Greece’s relations with Ukraine have faced a new challenge just weeks after resolving a previous one, underscoring European efforts to balance support for Ukraine with the need to protect their own economies.
The European Commission is working to revise the 21st sanctions package against Russia this week after its initial proposal was blocked by objections from Greece and other European Union members last week. The proposed sanctions would prohibit EU ships from transporting Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) to third parties, despite the EU increasing its imports of Russian LNG by 11 percent in the first half of 2026 compared to the same period last year. Greece contends that, as the owner of 60 percent of the EU’s fleet, its shipping industry would be disproportionately affected if the new sanctions are implemented. This threat to Greece’s vital shipping sector comes shortly after another challenge to its equally important tourism industry; together, these sectors account for more than a quarter of the country’s economy.
In May, a fisherman discovered a Ukrainian naval drone equipped with high-powered explosives in a bay on the island of Lefkada in the Ionian Sea. Ukraine has employed such drones to target tankers in Russia’s shadow fleet. “We are concerned about a potential oil spill and the risks posed by powerful explosives in our area,” a senior government official told Al Jazeera, adding: “We do not want Greece to become a theater of war.” Greek officials say Ukraine has pledged to exercise greater caution in the future. Greek Deputy Foreign Minister Haris Theoharis informed Al Jazeera that “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the President of Ukraine, acknowledged responsibility and apologized, which allowed us to open communication channels and continue our work.”
Assistance and Limitations
Last month, Haris Theoharis signed Greece’s first memorandum outlining its assistance for Ukraine’s reconstruction, and both sides are moving towards concluding an intergovernmental agreement. Greek companies have already taken on at least four projects to restore hydroelectric power plants and other infrastructure damaged during Russia’s war. Funding will come from Greek taxpayers, the EU, and private investments. Theoharis noted that a year ago, when he began his work, there was nothing like this. “A week after starting work, I accompanied the prime minister to a conference on Ukraine’s reconstruction in Rome. There were very few Greek companies with us, and nothing was signed,” he said. Ukrainian Deputy Minister of Development Alona Shkrum remarked that she had never worked with a country that moved as swiftly as Greece.
Since 2022, the port of Alexandroupolis in Greece has become a crucial logistics hub for supplying American weapons to Ukraine, and in November of last year, it began providing Ukraine with LNG after Russian attacks on Ukrainian gas infrastructure. According to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, Greece has provided 170 million euros (194 million dollars) in bilateral military aid, not including assistance through NATO. It has also contributed 1.14 billion euros (1.3 billion dollars) in military and financial aid through EU institutions and 9 million euros (10.3 million dollars) in humanitarian aid. Although Greece’s per capita contribution may not match that of smaller European economies, particularly the Baltic countries, which have pledged to allocate 0.25 percent of their gross domestic product (GDP) to Ukraine, Greece has made these contributions while recovering from bankruptcy and maintaining a balanced budget.
Caution Regarding Defense Cooperation
Greece faces more significant limitations. “Russia could intensify hybrid warfare against Greece, and we are just now building our defense against such threats,” a senior government official said. While Greece is making strides in cybersecurity, it still has considerable work to do in protecting critical infrastructure. The country is also preparing for general elections between this autumn and early 2027 and is wary of Russian disinformation campaigns. Concerns about diplomatic, security, and political risks mean that Greece is cautiously moving towards a drone agreement similar to those already signed between Ukraine and other EU members for the joint production of unmanned systems.
In November 2025, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis issued a joint declaration in Athens, pledging to “deepen cooperation in the field of defense… including cooperation in the development and deployment of maritime (naval) UAVs, joint exercises and training related to unmanned maritime systems.” Since then, neither side has reported progress, but Greece acknowledges that it is assessing the potential consequences of such cooperation for its relations with Russia. “A drone agreement means that 50 percent of the production made in Greece will be used against Russia,” a senior government official told Al Jazeera, adding: “We do not yet know what agreement the US will reach with Russia.”
Greece’s cautious and gradual approach to what is essentially a war of independence for Ukraine contrasts with the enthusiasm of many Ukrainians for Greece’s own war of independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1821. “Quite often I heard [Ukrainians say]: ‘If a small country could do it, we will also succeed,'” an Ukrainian scientist of Greek descent, who asked
